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Editorial: Planning for nuclear
disarmament now
Beatrice Fihn and Ray Acheson | Reaching Critical Will
of WILPF
Front page article from the NPT News in
Review, the daily NGO newsletter from the
2010 nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty Review Conference
Monday, 10 May 2010
Complete
PDF of this edition
After a week of general statements in the GA hall, the substantive
work finally started on Friday. As Main Committee I opened,
delegates delivered statements focusing on disarmament actions
plans. In the afternoon, civil society representatives addressed
the Review Conference. Moving and informative speeches from
Hibakusha, Jody Williams, the mayors of Hiroshima and Nagasaki,
and other members of civil society gave the Conference a sense
of urgency and brought a humanitarian injection to the discussions.
In Main Committee I, a large number of non-nuclear weapon
states delivered strong statements calling for further steps
towards nuclear disarmament. Such calls seemed to focus mainly
on two themes.
The first was the importance of developing a nuclear disarmament
action plan for the outcome document of the Review Conference.
There was widespread support for reaffirmation of the 13 steps
and for moving further beyond them through a plan of action
with benchmarks or a time frame to measure progress. The NAM
introduced its working paper, which proposes a plan of action
for the full implementation of the 13 steps and article VI..
South Africa and Argentina’s ambassadors emphasized
that reductions are not the same as elimination, since reductions
have more to do with excessive capacity and do not automatically
translate into commitment to nuclear disarmament. In addition,
Switzerland’s ambassador argued that quantitative reductions
are not enough if nuclear weapon states simultaneously develop
new and more efficient types of weapons. The NAM and the NAC
called for a moratorium on upgrading and developing new types
or missions for nuclear weapons. Iran called for a prohibition
on research, development, modernization, and production of
new nuclear weapons or delivery systems and a ban on the construction
of any new facility for such activities.
Measures to prevent vertical proliferation lead to the second
reoccurring theme, the importance of reducing the role of
nuclear weapons in military doctrines. The NAM argued that
security doctrines, including NATO’s Strategic Concept,
still set out rationales for the use or threat of use of nuclear
weapons and maintain unjustifiable concepts of international
security based on promoting nuclear deterrence. Brazil’s
ambassador argued that nuclear weapons are not needed to deter
NNWS or terrorist attacks and thus nuclear deterrence doctrines
only apply to NWS and their relations among themselves. Several
other delegations, including the NAC, Japan, Switzerland,
the Philippines also called for reducing the role of nuclear
weapons.
However, the five nuclear weapon states had a different view
on these issues. Russia and the US devoted most of their individual
and joint statements to describing the advantages of the new
START. While the NAM and others noted that these reductions
did not meet the international community’s expectations,
Russia and the US emphasized new START’s contribution
to international security and to the implementation of article
VI and pointed out “everyone will win as a result of
its implementation”.
At the same time, they and France argued that fulfilment of
article VI is everyone else’s responsibility. France
and the US argued that preventing proliferation is a necessary
condition for disarmament, following on from the P5 joint
statement wherein they continue to put disarmament off into
the distant future, arguing that other states need to first
“create the conditions” that they deem necessary
to fulfil their own obligations under article VI. They argued,
“All other States must contribute to fulfilling these
disarmament goals by creating the necessary security environment,
resolving regional tensions, promoting collective security,
and making progress in all the areas of disarmament.”
France’s ambassador argued these conditions are important
“so that nuclear disarmament does not set off an arms
race in other areas.”
However, as the Brazilian ambassador pointed out, the vast
majority of non-nuclear weapon states “have never put
their non-proliferation duties on hold, conditioning their
fulfilment to indefinite, more favourable international conditions.”
The international community cannot leave it up to the nuclear
weapon states to decide when they are ready to disarm. Allowing
these states to retain their nuclear weapon capabilities,
accepting their reliance on nuclear weapons as a form of security
and defence, and remaining silent when they develop new weapons
and facilities might be the greatest challenge to international
peace and stability that the world is facing. In one of the
NGO presentations, Rebecca Johnson from the Acronym Institute
for Disarmament Diplomacy argued, “if we postpone the
elimination of nuclear weapons until the world has achieved
some ideal threshold of peace and stability, we will get neither
disarmament nor security.” And when Mr. Taniguchi Sumiteru,
a survivor from the nuclear bombing in Nagasaki, presented
his story to the Review Conference, and an image of his burnt
back was held up in front of us, it was clearer than ever
that nuclear weapon attacks are a violation of international
humanitarian law and must be outlawed immediately.
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