Home About News Action Donate Contact
Non-Proliferation Treaty (NPT)
Conference on Disarmament
General Assembly First Committee
UN Disarmament Commission
Special Session on Disarmament
Other...
Critical Issues
Publications
Treaties
NGO Contacts
Government Contacts
Calendar
Other...
Join

NGO Post-Analysis of the NPT PrepCom

April 19, 2002. "Low Key NPT Meeting masks deep disagreements over Treaty implementation especially on Nuclear Disarmament", by Rebecca Johnson, Acronym Institute for Disarmament Diplomacy

Senator Douglas Roche, O.C. Chairman, Middle Powers Initiative. The NPT: Crisis and ChallengeReport and Assessment of Non-Proliferation Treaty Preparatory Committee Meeting, New York, April 8-19, 2002

April 26, 2002. News In Review Final Issue, "A Week Later, Assessing NPT PrepCom I", by Emily Schroeder, Reaching Critical Will

NGO Opinion, Hopes and Expectations for the 2002 NPT PrepCom, 8-19 April, 2002

In the weeks leading up to the NPT several NGOs have written reports, statements and op-ed articles in various journals, email lists and websites. Here is a selection of some of the opinions, hopes and expectations of NGOs regarding the NPT, in addition to the NGO reports which can be found at:
http://www.reachingcriticalwill.org/npt/npt2002report.html

Abolition 2000
      Feed the Wolf 2001 Abolition 2000 Annual Report Card by Janet Bloomfield and Pamela       Meidell (pdf format)

Action of the Citizens for Nuclear Disarmament (ACDN)
      World Appeal to Set the Planet Free From any Weapons of Mass Destruction

Back from the Brink:
      iFriends Don’t Threaten Friends: A Message Campaign to Presidents Bush and Putin

British American Security and Information Service (BASIC)

      The 2002 NPT PrepCom: Issues and Opportunities

Campaign for Nuclear Disarmament (CND), UK:
      Condemns latest test and prepares for Easter demo

The Coalition for Nuclear Disarmament and Peace (CNDP), India
:
     iCNDP denounces USA's nuclear terror

Gensuikyo, Japan
      i Statement on the U.S. Nuclear Posture Review: letter to the White House

Greenpeace International

      iGreenland can make a difference for global security by saying no to Star Wars

The Hiroshima Alliance for Nuclear Weapons Abolition

      Hiroshima-Nagasaki Survivors’ Emergency Mission to the US

International Physicians for the Prevention of Nuclear War (IPPNW)
      iLetter to George W. Bush to protest the policies set out in the Nuclear Posture Review

Japan Confederation of A- and H-Bomb Sufferers Organizations

      iLetter addressed to Mr. Kofi Annan, Mr. Chairman and delegates of the PrepCom.

Middle Powers Initiative, Senator Douglas Roche
      Op-Ed in Globe and Mail, Tuesday, March 12, 2002 - Print Edition, Page A19, "Rethink the       iunthinkable"

Le Mouvement de la Paix
     i"U.S nuclear posture review" : a frightening nuclear proliferation again?

Moving Beyond Missile Defense:
      Petition for a Missile Freeze

Nuclear Age Peace Foundation
     iAppeal to End the Nuclear Weapons Threat to Humanity with 100 prominent signers,       ncluding 37 Nobel Laureates.


     Revealed Nuclear Policies Are a Sign of Bad Faith To Rest of the World

Peace Depot, Japan
      "Evaluating Implementation of the NPT 13+2 steps: Japan's Report Card on Nuclear Disarmament."

Women's International League for Peace and Freedom, US Section
      Nuclear Posture Review Promotes National Insecurity


**************************************



BASIC: PrepCom 2002: Avoiding More Missed Steps
By Christine Kucia
March 7, 2002

The upcoming meeting of States Parties to the Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty (NPT) will be another opportunity for the world to focus on the strength of international security agreements in the wake of heightened concern over the availability of weapons of mass destruction.

Why Are We Having A PrepCom?

The Preparatory Committee (PrepCom) meeting, which will begin paving the path toward the 2005 Review Conference (RevCon) of the NPT, will meet April 8-19, 2002 in New York. PrepCom meetings convene in the three years preceding the five-yearly NPT reviews to start procedural and substantive discussions. According to Strengthening the Review Process for the Treaty (Decision 1 of the 1995 Review and Extension Conference), “The purpose of the Preparatory Committee meetings would be to consider principles, objectives and ways in order to promote the full implementation of the Treaty, as well as its universality, and to make recommendations thereon to the Review Conference.” Creating procedural recommendations are also a task for PrepComs.

During the 2002 PrepCom, the 189 NPT States Parties will discuss ways to move forward with the NPT’s objectives, especially in light of the decisions made at the May 2000 RevCon.
What Are the Issues Being Carried Forward from the 2000 Review Conference?
The May 2000 RevCon broke new ground for global non-proliferation efforts. In the final document, all states agreed to an historic “13 steps” toward the goal of accomplishing the elimination of the world’s nuclear arsenals.

Steps agreed by both nuclear-weapon states and their non-nuclear allies and neighbors include:
- Achieve early entry into force of the Comprehensive Nuclear-Test-Ban Treaty (CTBT).
- Continue the moratorium on nuclear-weapon-test explosions until CTBT enactment.
- Move forward on negotiations for a verifiable treaty banning fissile material production.
- Establish a body within the U.N. Conference on Disarmament to start discussions on nuclear disarmament.
- Apply the principle of irreversibility to arms control and disarmament negotiations.
- Develop verification capabilities that will be required to provide assurance of compliance with nuclear disarmament agreements.
- Implement START II and conclude START III negotiations as soon as possible, while preserving and strengthening the ABM Treaty as a cornerstone of strategic stability and as a basis for further reductions of strategic offensive weapons.
- Nuclear-weapon States will take the following steps leading to nuclear disarmament in a way that promotes international stability:

o Efforts to reduce their nuclear arsenals unilaterally;
o Increased transparency on nuclear weapons capabilities and implementing agreements;
o Further reduction of non-strategic nuclear weapons, both unilaterally and as a part of the arms reduction and disarmament process;
o Concrete measures to further reduce the operational status of nuclear weapons;
o A diminishing role for nuclear weapons in security policies to minimize the risk that these weapons ever be used and to facilitate the process of their total elimination;
o Engagement of all the nuclear-weapon States in the process leading to the total elimination of their nuclear weapons.

- Reaffirm that the ultimate objective of the efforts of States in the disarmament process is general and complete disarmament under effective international control.
- An unequivocal undertaking by the nuclear-weapon States to accomplish the total elimination of their nuclear arsenals leading to nuclear disarmament.

What Are the Expected Outcomes or Anticipated Glitches?

When the countries convene in New York next month, evaluating the level of progress on this list of commitments will be a critical component guiding the discussions. However, several changes in the international security climate since May 2000 have resulted in significant setback in the implementation of these measures. 

- U.S. Withdrawal From the ABM Treaty

Recent actions and statements by the Bush administration in the United States are likely to have the greatest impact on the steps listed above. The decision in December 2001 to withdraw from the ABM Treaty, cited in May 2000 as “a cornerstone of strategic stability and as a basis for further reductions of strategic offensive weapons” represents the most high profile action by Washington. With the cornerstone removed, and discussions on the START process stalled due to impasses between the legislatures in the United States and Russia, the stability of the non-proliferation regime has been significantly weakened. The example set by Washington in withdrawing from an international treaty also sets an unfortunate precedent that may be exploited by other countries in the future.

- Lack of Progress in Transparency, Irreversibility, and Verification

The issues of transparency, irreversibility, and verification have seen some setbacks since the May 2000 RevCon. The United States announced proposed reductions in its arsenal from 6,000 to 1,700-2,200 deployed strategic nuclear warheads over the next ten years. While those reductions are welcome, they were initially suggested by President Bush outside of a treaty framework, which would hinder international efforts to verify the reductions, and make sure that the warheads would be destroyed. Upon closer inspection, the “cuts” offered by Bush were redefined in his administration’s Nuclear Posture Review in January 2002. The warheads would instead be moved to active or inactive storage, and no announcements of warhead destruction have been made yet by the administration. Finally, transparency remains problematic among all of the nuclear weapon states. For example, China’s nuclear arsenal modernization and buildup remains a largely obscure process to other states and independent experts seeking a clearer idea of China’s holdings, development, and potential proliferation risk.

- Failure to Implement the CTBT

Another challenge confronting States Parties involves the not-yet-implemented CTBT. While all countries still abide by the voluntary moratorium pending the treaty’s entry into force, discussions on enacting the CTBT last November were not conclusive. The United States, a required ratifier to implement the CTBT, refused to attend the meeting; while India, Israel, and Pakistan, also required ratifiers, have yet to even sign the treaty. Progress has not been significant on banning nuclear testing, a key action for furthering global nuclear disarmament.

- Stalled Action on Fissban

Progress on banning fissile material production and establishing a nuclear disarmament sub-body in the U.N. Conference on Disarmament has been stalled as well. The consensus negotiating body has failed to establish a program for its work for six years, without which negotiations may not proceed.

- Non-Compliance, Universality, and Other Concerns

Other issues beyond the “13 steps” will also challenge countries at the upcoming PrepCom. The alleged nuclear activities of Iraq and North Korea, States Parties to the NPT, bring up concerns about compliance with their international obligations to the nuclear non-proliferation regime. The heightened conflict in the Middle East will also drive a wedge between states during the discussions, as some countries aim to address Israel as a nuclear-weapon state, while Israel remains outside of the treaty. And increased tension between India and Pakistan, also outside of the NPT regime, will bring forth more deliberations about how to make the NPT a universal treaty.

Avoiding More Missed ‘Steps’

The forthcoming PrepCom in New York will be an opportunity for States Parties to begin discussing these concerns in the context of their commitment to and compliance with non-proliferation and disarmament measures outlined in the NPT process. While the PrepCom is tasked only to make recommendations for future negotiations, and will not produce a binding document out of its own discussions, countries should start toward the 2005 RevCon with measures to build upon the May 2000 steps. Changes in international priorities, and particularly in U.S. government policy, will force some of the commitments made in 2000 to be extensively reevaluated. The challenge will be to ensure that the remaining steps listed above stay intact and are strengthened and implemented as much as possible.

The current international climate, while still troubling and unsettled in the wake of the Sept. 11 attacks, increased tension in South Asia, and heightened violence in the Middle East, must not override States Parties’ existing commitment to ensuring “nuclear disarmament in a way that promotes international stability, based on the principle of undiminished security for all.” 

Japan Council against A & H Bombs (Japan Gensuikyo)

On March 12, Japan Gensuikyo issued a statement on the U.S. Nuclear Posture Review and sent it to the White House.

The text of the statement follows:

March 12, 2002

Mr. George W. Bush

President of the United States of AmericaWe demand from the US Government immediate cancellation of all plans on the use of nuclear weapons and fundamental shift of the nuclear policy to the abolition of such weapons

Dangerous contents of the U.S. Department of Defense’s “Nuclear Posture Review” are now coming into the light. Press reports confirmed that in addition to Iraq, Iran and North Korea, whom President Bush in his State of the Union address this year labeled as an “axis of evil”, Libya, Syria and even China and Russia were also included in the targets of the US plan for
the use of nuclear weapons.

In addition to the ongoing war on Afghanistan being waged on the ground of a response to September 11 terrorist attacks, the Review is said to underline that nuclear weapons may be required in some future “Arab-Israeli crisis”, to “retaliate against chemical or biological attacks” as well as “surprising military developments” of an unspecified nature. It even calls for swift
development of new types of nuclear weapons.

As regards the eradication of terrorism, it is by nature a problem to be addressed as a matter of international crime, and the U.S. acts of war, which are causing untold numbers of casualties of innocent Afghans, must immediately be halted. It is totally insane to develop a plan to use of
nuclear weapons on the grounds of preparing for international conflicts, and still more for such absurdity of “future uncertainty.”

At the same time, the present development reveals the dangerous nature of the policy of the Japanese Government that has unquestionably accepted every bit of pressure from the U.S. government since the inauguration of President George W. Bush, and especially after the September 11 terrorist attacks.

The successive LDP-led Japanese governments have defended and accepted U.S.
nuclear arsenals on the grounds that it provided “deterrence” or “nuclear umbrella.” The US nuclear plan, however, is not confined merely to “deter” anything, but is aimed to use nuclear weapons in actual international conflicts. It must further be noted that the Bush administration is
promoting the policy nowhere other than in Asia.

We demand that the U.S. government should make public the entire Nuclear Posture Review and immediately scrap the whole plan on the use of nuclear weapons. Also we strongly demand that the Japanese government should stop supporting the U.S. nuclear and war plans once and for all, to strictly abide by the Three Non-Nuclear Principles and give up legislation of “laws
on contingencies”, which would precipitate Japan into U.S.-initiated war, involving even a danger of nuclear weapons being used.


DANIEL DURAND
National Secretary - Le Mouvement de la Paix

March 12, 2002 by the national daily "l'Humanite" :
********************************
"U.S nuclear posture review" : a frightening nuclear proliferation again?

The changes in the US nuclear armament policy , revealed in several US newspapers are threatening the peace and the security of our planet.

They come after President Bush boosted the "Star War II" or "National Missile defence" program, they come after the dramatic
increase of the US defence budget : an increase by more than $48 billion ( the total French defence budget is less than $40 billion).

Some already published scenarios envisaged direct intervention of the armed forces in countries suspected of being in the "axis of evil".
Could not it be in fact a way to a "full spectrum dominance " to protect US strategic,economic or political interests ? Nukes are considered to be inefficient as shown in the 1995 call to disarmament by some US generals such Lee Butler and Carol. By considering "mini nukes" strategists aim at making them commonplace,as any conventional armament. This is the underlying logic of all "modernisation" programs (by 2020to 2050)and of the current nuclear research, including the future Laser Megajoule in France.

The door to a frightening nuclear proliferation would be opened. To protect their own territories many countries would decide to have
nuclear armament or chemical or biological weapons. The ABM and TNP treaties are at stake with this US policy , the Pandora's box is opened.

We must act now. The French Peace Movement ("Le Mouvement de la Paix") has decided to launch a nationwide campaign to petition for
re-boosting nuclear disarmament .

The NGOs on disarmament in France and in the whole world with the Abolition 2000 network will be in New York from April 8 to 19 when the
treaty of non proliferation is examined. Together , we will put pressure on the nuclear powers delegates to dismantle nuclear armament .
For the Peace Movement the only way to the security of the world is the total and controled abolition of all the nuclear weapons : tolerance zero.

More than 180 US organizations (peace, christian, non-violent, anti-globalization, etc.. ) are preparing a march on Washington DC for Saturday April 20, to "Stop the War, at Home and Abroad !". We will be there and support them.

This debate on the world security and the fight against militarization was an important issue in Porto Alegre II. Encouraging .

I think these questions must be raised in our presidential campaign. We must know what France will do to build a world of Peace
and Justice. It is a vital question for our generation and for the generations to come , our planet must be the " Peace Planet".



Nuclear Posture Review Promotes National Insecurity
Statement of Women's International League for Peace and Freedom

1213 Race Street Philadelphia, PA 19107
March 17, 2002

We, in the United State Section of the Women's International League for Peace and Freedom (WILPF), are outraged by the recent secret report prepared by the Pentagon, at the administration's request, regarding possible use of nuclear weapon against seven targeted countries including China, Russia, Iraq, North Korea, Iran, Libya and Syria, and the proposal to bring a new generation of weapons of mass destruction to battlefield situations.

First of all, it is appalling to note that the leaders of this country have not learned the lesson of Hiroshima and Nagasaki. Did more than 210 thousand people die in vain a half a century ago?
Regardless of the nature of international conflicts, use of nuclear weapon is not acceptable not by a rogue state, or by the United States. The United Nations has worked and many treaties have been signed to discourage research, testing, production, and further proliferation of nuclear weapons. Disregarding these treaties is affront to basic human decency.

There is a general understanding that efforts should be made to work with other countries including some of the targeted nations, to eliminate terrorism. Threatening these countries with possible use of "tactical nuclear weapons" will destroy any credibility and any chance of developing normal diplomatic relations based on the mutual trust.

This hostile posture of George Bush will adversely affect potential trade relationships that the US tax payers have supported over years and nullify much of the work that has been done by the US diplomats since President Nixon reopened the trade relationship with China and other countries. Instead, we would see even greater arms race, in this post cold war era.

Increased production of radioactive weapons would increase risk of contracting cancer and other diseases connected to radioactive contamination in US soil, water and air posing immediate dangers to the residents of this country.

There will be a grave danger that nations bearing unfriendly notions against our country will be even more emboldened to go forward with their hostile actions, and the US people will be exposed to escalating NATIONAL INSECURITY, and the added danger of presumed retaliation,
possibly even greater than the attacks perpetrated on September 11.

Therefore, as the oldest peace activist organization of women we are committed to take a leadership role in protesting the preposterous war making activities conducted by the current administration.

We were compelled to issue this statement because we deeply love our country and the people in it.

Originally drafted by WILPF Disarmament Campaign Cochairs
Gillian Gilhool Legislative Organizer WILPF in Washington
Women's International League for Peace and Freedom, US Section
110 Maryland Avenue NE, Suite 112
Washington, DC 20002
202-546-6727 phone
202-544-9613 fax
www.wilpf.org

777 UN Plaza - 6th Floor - New York, NY - 10017 - Ph: 212.682.1265 - Fax: 212.286.8211 - info@reachingcriticalwill.org
This site was created by Kache Productions ©2008