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Scientific Responsibility in the Nuclear Age
Editor’s Introduction
The Model NWC presupposes and reinforces the concept of professional
scientific responsibility to society and to the communities that
support it or feed it resources. It suggests an affirmative obligation
to promote education aimed at furthering nuclear disarmament and
recognizing potential proliferation risks inherent in nuclear science,
research, and development. Considering where nuclear science has
brought us to date, there is a long way to go to develop and apply
the notion that science as a profession and scientists as individuals
have an important role in shaping the future security environment
away from nuclear weapons and towards nuclear disarmament.
To practice medicine or law usually requires an oath or a license.
As professions, they integrate a sense of ethics; how this works
in practice may be debated. Indeed, these overt declarations of
professional ethical responsibility help create the expectations
society has of those entrusted with its health or commercial and
criminal practice. Thus overt mistrust, even ridicule, of lawyers’
ethics is not uncommon where deviation from stated standards is
apparent. Similarly, the voicing of resentment towards health practitioners
when access to healthcare appears threatened reflects society’s
sense of dependence on the profession for life and health.
The professional responsibility of scientists to society deserves
no less scrutiny. To be sure, scientists do give attention to ethical
questions and consider the relation of their profession to policy.
Many universities have programs on technology, science, policy,
arms control, disarmament, and other aspects of policy. They aim
to understand the relation of their profession to society and to
enable individuals to make informed choices that have an impact
on policy.
The causes and effects of scientists’ choices in relation
to society, however, might take shape over the course of decades,
rather than days, and the personal professional interaction is less
direct than in the case of law or medicine. One might use many forms
of technology throughout one’s life, benefiting from science
without contracting directly with scientists as a matter of course.
Thus the basis for scrutiny of individual scientists’ ethical
choices is diluted by the time delay between cause and effect, and
because their work is often part of a much larger and not completely
visible whole. The limitations on choices facing scientists and
the interests shaping these choices are not always obvious.
Scientific contributions to the course of nuclear disarmament would
need to address the critical issues identified by Martin Kalinowski.
Opportunities for this work should be increased because the choices
available today, as MV Ramana shows, have been significantly shaped
by governments and scientists over the past decades to further military
interests. The choice suggested by Peace Pledge Movement for Scientists
founders Tatsujiro Suzuki and Susan Pickett, not to participate
in weapons work to the best of one’s knowledge, underscores
the importance of informed consent. Andreas Toupadakis, who recently
made a choice to resign from nuclear weapons work, makes clear in
an open letter that the nuclear weapons nature of work is not necessarily
clear from the start.
In other words, we live in a world where a scientist might end
up working on nuclear weapons not by deliberate choice but through
lack of informed consent. The choice not to work on nuclear weapons
then requires actively severing professional ties and abandoning
secure employment. For this to change — for the range of options
open to scientists to be part of the process of demilitarizing and
denuclearizing the globe —scientists must educate themselves
about the role their work plays and demand a different set of options.
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