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Are We on the Way to Nuclear Zero?
Some Preliminary Conclusions from the Current Debate
Since complete nuclear disarmament is intended to reform
the world security architecture, it can hardly be achieved
through a single international treaty. A series of measures
would have to be negotiated and carried into effect in the
course of what is bound to be a complex process of unpredictable
length. The required negotiations need not be conducted in
one forum. It would be more efficient to use several fora
open-ended or composed of states directly concerned
functioning simultaneously, without time constraints.
In order to start the disarmament process leading to the
abolition of nuclear weapons, it would be necessary, in the
first place, to render the nuclear non-proliferation regime
universal and to ensure the enforcement of the non-proliferation
norms. Nuclear weapon tests would have to be definitively
and universally banned, the production of fissile materials
for explosive devices stopped, further proliferation of nuclear
delivery vehicles prevented, the establishment of new nuclear
weapon free zones encouraged, and the use of nuclear weapons
prohibited. Nuclear energy systems lending themselves readily
to nuclear weapon production would have to be placed under
international management. Tactical nuclear weapons would have
to be eliminated prior to, or simultaneously with, drastic
reductions of strategic nuclear weapons, and compliance with
the prohibitions on other weapons of mass destruction
chemical and biological ensured.
As a result of the series of incremental steps specified
above, the existing nuclear forces could be brought down to
low or even very low levels. Given the inequalities of states
in conventional armaments, a problem would then arise as to
how to proceed to the final elimination of nuclear weapons,
for nuclear forces, even relatively small forces, are considered
by some nations as a counterbalance to the superior conventional
forces of their adversaries. A fully equitable solution to
this dilemma might require the abolition of conventional weapons
as well. Resuscitating the utopian idea of general and complete
disarmament, however, would lead nowhere. A more realistic
approach would be to bring about radical overall reductions
of conventional armed forces and armaments, coupled with deep
cuts in military production and spending, so as to achieve
at least rough regional military balances. Such measures
to be based on generally agreed criteria should result
in force structures significantly minimizing the offensive
capabilities of states.
Among the obstacles to nuclear disarmament most often cited
are the difficulty to verify compliance with the obligation
to eliminate all nuclear weapons and nuclear-weapon components,
as well as the impossibility to "disinvent" these
weapons. It is true that no verification can be absolutely
foolproof, but full transparency and sophisticated technical
means of supervision could render the probability of a nuclear
disarmament treaty violation very small. In particular, strict
international verification of all stocks of fissile material
usable in nuclear weapons, and of all facilities producing
these materials for peaceful uses, would make clandestine
development of nuclear-weapon capabilities practically impossible.
The effectiveness of a technical control system could be significantly
enhanced by using so-called societal verification, as proposed
by Professor Joseph Rotblat, a Nobel Laureate. This would
mean that all citizens, not only experts, would be called
upon to ensure the integrity of the treaty, and each member
of the community would become its custodian. Signatory states
would be required to pass national laws making it the right
and duty of their citizens to notify an international verification
authority of any preparation for a breakout from the treaty.
Societal verification would, of course, be possible only in
democracies tolerating transparency in military affairs, open
discussion of security issues, and unhampered activities of
the mass media. Democratization of the political systems of
at least the most powerful states is an indispensable requirement
for general and complete nuclear disarmament.
It is also true that nuclear weapons cannot be disinvented.
Indeed, the know-how and the capability to rebuild them cannot
be eliminated. This, however, is not a reason for them not
to be outlawed. Chemical and biological weapons much
easier to manufacture than nuclear weapons cannot be
disinvented either, and yet they are banned under international
conventions.
Nuclear disarmament could not take place in a political vacuum.
The deep-rooted suspicions of bad faith among nations would
have to be dissipated through confidence building. This is
a condition for creating a co-operative relationship among
the great powers, a relationship necessary for common action
against emerging proliferators of nuclear and other weapons
of mass destruction, and also against one of their own number
that may secretly retain or reconstruct such weapons. This
is also a condition for avoiding nuclear powers involvement
in regional disputes which should be settled by regional security
organizations. Given the inadequacy of the existing international
security arrangements, the UN conflict-resolution and peace-keeping
capabilities would have to be strengthened through an appropriate
revision of the UN Charter. States must become persuaded that
the possession of nuclear weapons is a liability rather than
an asset and that a nuclear-weapon-free world will be safer
than a world with nuclear weapons.
Jozef Goldblat
Resident Senior Fellow, UN Institute for Disarmament Research
(UNIDIR)
Vice-President, Geneva International Peace Research Institute
(GIPRI)
www.unog.ch/UNIDIR
The Meaning of Zero
Support for elimination of nuclear weapons has expanded in
the post-Cold-War period to far beyond the traditional abolitionist
constituency; ... however, this wider support rests on an
almost equally wide range of interpretations about what elimination
means, implies, and requires.
These variations and ambiguities about the meaning of zero
are perhaps an inevitable legacy of a half-century debate,
involving a constantly changing cast of characters in a constantly
changing world, about an issue that is at once subtle, complex,
and complexly connected to the ways the world is changing....
John P. Holdren, "Getting to Zero" in A Nuclear-Weapon-Free
World: Steps Along the Way, F. Blackaby and T. Milne,
eds., MacMillan Press 2000, p. 22 (citations omitted).
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