| 23 January 2001
CONFERENCE ON DISARMAMENT: OPENING
REMARKS
BY THE CD. PRESIDENT, AMBASSADOR WESTDAL,
AT THE FIRST 2001 PLENARY SESSION
1 want now to tell you about my consultations to date, reviewing
some of the issues at stake from the vantage of the President; to
seek your mandate to continue this work, to complete the current
circle of talks and seek progress beyond; and to urge all delegations
meanwhile to take advantage of our early plenaries to make worthy
use of the political capacity of the Conference, its power to influence
the perceptions and policies of member states.
As mandated and instructed, I've been active. In New York, during
the First Committee session, and after in Washington, London, Beijing,
Paris, Moscow and here in Geneva, I've consulted intensively.
1 have naturally found great frustration among delegations that
the Conference has not been used to much purpose at all for years
now. They feel that they have real value to add, that there is vital
non-proliferation, arms control and disarmament progress available
here and that they are being prevented from achieving it. They find
this waste of opportunity disheartening (not to speak of how they
feel about the waste of their time and professional energies).
1 have also found confirmation of the value invested in CD/ 1624,
the work program proposed by Ambassador Amorim last August. The
result of years of hard work and refinement aimed to reflect and
accommodate the diverse views and interests of all members, the
program's virtues are considerable. It would provide scope for profound
exploration, discussion and negotiation and offer widespread benefits
and satisfactions. It would draw attention to the CD, enhance its
value as a platform and negotiating forum and give us fresh means
of credibility and some currency convertible in public and political
impact. It would give the media some content to cover, a story worth
reporting. And it would be timely, now with a whole session ahead
and the issues involved so prominent in international affairs.
All this deep respect for the proposal notwithstanding, 1 must
add that I have also confirmed that several parties have reservations
and problems with the proposal and are not yet prepared to join
a consensus in its favour. You know much about these problems. They
have been well described here by the parties who perceive and define
them. I will not rehearse them anew.
1 do though want to emphasize that in none of my consultations
have 1 found closed minds. I've heard references to "bottom
lines," of course, and everyone knows that every word of both
the text and the accompanying statement before us has been painstakingly
chosen to aim for consensus, so texts are relatively static, but
minds are nowhere closed to fresh textual analyses. Equally or more
important, minds are not at all closed to the currently highly dynamic
context in which our search for consensus proceeds, a context of
complex, changing strategic and tactical considerations for all
parties.
Of course, more than the mere fate of CD/ 1 -6-2-4 is perceived
to be at stake. Given widespread concern about tendencies to unilateralism
or quite selective multi-polarity, the future course of multilateral
NACD generally and of this institution in particular are seen as
well to hang in the balance.
The general view bears repeating that this Conference is vitally
important to our shared hopes for stricter arms control, non-proliferation
and disarmament. Its rationale - that everyone's fate is everyone's
business - is a rock. Its mandate to negotiate is unique and necessary.
And it is critically inclusive. The four states in the world which
have not joined the NPT are all here as equal stakeholders. The
major powers are all here, ready - from time to time - to talk,
to explore
and to negotiate. Given widespread concerns about global strategic
stability and fear of new arms races, it is surely a striking anomaly
that the means of engagement available here are currently almost
entirely unused.
I seek and will assume your mandate to try hard to do something
about that, to put this place back to work. As President, 1 am highly
conscious of our responsibility for the quality of the multilateral
options available to states seeking common security, the quality
and capacity of the multilateral track. There is little point in
blaming tools for their lack of use. We do not have the power here
to make the decisions required to have us proceed with a program
of work. But it is our direct responsibility here to create and
keep on offer the best possible multilateral option we can devise
to achieve common non-proliferation, arms control and disarmament
goals. My judgement, widely shared, is that CD/ 1624 - or something
very close to it - remains the best option available and further,
that it would indeed represent a worthy fulfilment of our fundamental
responsibility in this Conference.
We are all of us frustrated who've been here much time, naturally,
but as we carry on, 1 think we would be wise to modulate and channel
our impatience creatively. We have little appetite, for waiting,
idled, and none at all for impassivity. But realistic perspective
is critical and patience a necessary virtue, even for those whose
aims here have long been frustrated.
This is after all a brand new day - if not indeed still a brand
new millennium. This year's session is not yet an hour old. Critical
new players were sworn in three days ago. In these real circumstances,
impatience that we do not have an entirely agreed work program would
surely be in key dimensions misguided. Whatever we make of the pace
of the past, however hard we wring our hands, we'll gain no choice
but to start from where we are now.
With your support, 1 will complete the current circle of talks
and sustain the search for consensus. I will of course keep you
informed of my perceptions and my efforts - and of any progress
they may yield.
I urge all delegations meanwhile to put our Conference to immediate
good use, the lack of an agreed work program notwithstanding. 1
must note in this context that the speakers lists for our plenaries
are very short and worry what signal that sends. 1 urge all to use
these plenaries to share assessments of CD/ 1624 and the way forward
in current global security circumstances. And beyond, I urge its
use to seek common ground, to serve interests we all share - weapon
and nonweapon state alike, NPT party and non-party together, states
from all the groups and regions, all as one, eye to eye here, gathered
to try to serve our security in this Conference with community,
trust and verified multilateral action - so that we might all feel
much less inclined to try to serve it elsewhere with arms.
More figuratively still, I urge you to use this unique forum to
express the health in us, the dignity and the will, that we might
here gain an upper hand against the grave dangers which confront
us, that we might here together deepen our perceptions of common,
global, multilateral security interests and create and use fresh
means to sustain, protect and promote them.
This rhetoric would be made real very well in a decision by consensus
to adopt a program of work as ambitious as CD/ 1 624's, with its
coverage of fissile material for weapons, security assurances, the
prevention of an arms race in outer space and nuclear disarmament,
along with transparency, anti-personnel mines and CD membership,
agenda and functioning. It is a mouthful worth speaking. All of
it would be work very highly worth doing,
When he addressed our Conference two years ago, President flang
Zemin offered a vision we should all strive to falfill. He quoted
Tang dynasty poet Li Bai: "A time will come to ride the wind,
cleave the waves, 1 will set my cloud-white sail and cross the sea
which raves."
The sea raves. 1 think the time has come to set our cloud-white
sail, to ride and to cleave... to plough on dauntless and plane
when we can.
and to negotiate. Given widespread concerns about global strategic
stability and fear of new arms races, it is surely a striking anomaly
that the means of engagement available here are currently almost
entirely unused.
I seek and will assume your mandate to try hard to do something
about that, to put this place back to work. As President, 1 am highly
conscious of our responsibility for the quality of the multilateral
options available to states seeking common security, the quality
and capacity of the multilateral track. There is little point in
blaming tools for their lack of use. We do not have the power here
to make the decisions required to have us proceed with a program
of work. But it is our direct responsibility here to create and
keep on offer the best possible multilateral option we can devise
to achieve common non-proliferation, arms control and disarmament
goals. My judgement, widely shared, is that CD/ 1624 - or something
very close to it - remains the best option available and further,
that it would indeed represent a worthy fulfilment of our fundamental
responsibility in this Conference.
We are all of us frustrated who've been here much time, naturally,
but as we carry on, 1 think we would be wise to modulate and channel
our impatience creatively. We have little appetite, for waiting,
idled, and none at all for impassivity. But realistic perspective
is critical and patience a necessary virtue, even for those whose
aims here have long been frustrated.
This is after all a brand new day - if not indeed still a brand
new millennium. This year's session is not yet an hour old. Critical
new players were sworn in three days ago. In these real circumstances,
impatience that we do not have an entirely agreed work program would
surely be in key dimensions misguided. Whatever we make of the pace
of the past, however hard we wring our hands, we'll gain no choice
but to start from where we are now.
With your support I will complete the current circle of talks and
sustain the search for consensus. I will of course keep you informed
of my perceptions and my efforts - and of any progress they may
yield.
I urge all delegations meanwhile to put our Conference to immediate
good use, the lack of an agreed work program notwithstanding. I
must note in this context that the speakers lists for our plenaries
are very short and worry what signal that sends. I urge all to use
these plenaries to share assessments of CD/ 1624 and the way forward
in current global security circumstances. And beyond, I urge its
use to seek common ground, to serve interests we all share - weapon
and nonweapon state alike, NPT party and non-party together, states
from all the groups and regions, all as one, eye to eye here, gathered
to try to serve our security in this Conference with community,
trust and verified multilateral action - so that we might all feel
much less inclined to try to serve it elsewhere with arms.
More figuratively still, I urge you to use this unique forum to
express the health in us, the dignity and the will, that we might
here gain an upper hand against the grave dangers which confront
us, that we might here together deepen our perceptions of common,
global, multilateral security interests and create and use fresh
means to sustain, protect and promote them.
This rhetoric would be made real very well in a decision by consensus
to adopt a program of work as ambitious as CD/ 1 624's, with its
coverage of fissile material for weapons, security assurances, the
prevention of an arms race in outer space and nuclear disarmament,
along with transparency, anti-personnel mines and CD membership,
agenda and functioning. It is a mouthful worth speaking. All of
it would be work very highly worth doing.
When he addressed our Conference two years ago, President flang
Zemin offered a vision we should all strive to fulfill. He quoted
Tang dynasty poet Li Bai: "A time will come to ride the wind,
cleave the waves, I will set my cloud-white sail and cross the sea
which raves."
The sea raves. I think the time has come to set our cloud-white
sail, to ride and to cleave... to plough on dauntless and plane
when we can.
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