Reaching Critical Will

Non-Proliferation Treaty (NPT)

Conference on Disarmament

General Assembly First Committee

UN Disarmament Commission

Special Session on Disarmament

Statement by Ambassador Valery Loshchinin of the Russian Federation to the Conference on Disarmament 2nd September 2008

Unofficial Transcript

Thank you Mr President, Sir.

This is actually the third time that I have had the opportunity to speak to the Conference on Disarmament setting forth the situation with respect to Georgia aggression regarding Southern Ossetia. It seems to me that our colleagues already have a clear and correct understanding of how things stand. We did not intend to speak but I cannot refrain from responding to the statement that was just addressed with respect to our delegation.

We see that the Georgia side, instead of consciously complimenting the principles of conflict resolution on the basis of the Sarkozy meditative plan, are in fact once again trying to hunt for enemies and push the blame. This is all the more regrettable in the light of the decisions of the Brussels summit that concluded yesterday of the European Union. There as is well known, President Sarkozy stated that “the events in Georgia were not grounds for a return to cold war. “ And I think that is a very important statement. I think we should listen to it and pay great attention to it, including Tbilisi. It is well know that the President of France together with Mr. Barroso and Mr. Solana on the 8th of September intend to travel to Moscow. We welcome their visit, the basic purpose of that visit will be to consider issues of the implementation of 6 principles of the meditative Sarkozy plan. I would like to briefly inform you how things stand with respect to these principles.

The first principle states not to use force. Now quite clearly this principle is directed first and foremost to the Georgian leadership. Over recent years, we have consistently strived, including the OSCE and the Security Council United Nations, to conclude agreement between Tbilisi, Sukhumi, and Tskhinvali which in a legally binding forum would strengthen both of the non acceptability of the use of force in conflicts. Our proposals have always been rejected by the Saakashvili
Regime and now we understand why they did that. There is no doubt that the implementation of the first principle totally depends on Tbilisi.

The second principle provides for an immediate halt to all military activities. Here again the main thing is that Saakashvili is to refrain from new military adventures, he should not rearm which for the past four years have repeatedly demonstrated the purpose is that regime uses their weapons provided to both overtly and covertly . Unfortunately there is information showing that recent data that the rearming of the Saakashvili regime has already now begun. I think we need to think about where the responsibility lies in that regard. Now turning to Russia, the military activities taken in order to return peace were completed on the 12th of August this year.

The third principle relates to free access to humanitarian assistance. I would emphasize there were no obstacles whatsoever by the Russian side, and have been confirmed by the international community such as the International Committee of the Red Cross, the UNHCR, as being confirmed by UNICEF and other organizations that are providing humanitarian aid in Southern Ossetia.

The fourth principle requires Georgian arm forces to return to their place of normal deployment, that is to their barracks. I think this principle of is ultimate importance since there are reliable data which do not allow us to say that the Georgian side has fulfilled the requirements of this principle. It is necessary that Georgia play its role here and the OSCE mission to play their role in ensuring that Georgia observes this principle.

The fifth principle is actually in two parts. As far as the withdrawal of the armed forces of the Russian Federation to the line that existed before the started hostility, this process has already been completed. In addition, the Russian peacekeeping forces have provided for in a second part of Principle 5 are taking additional security measures and to that end, we have established a security buffer around Southern Ossetia, the regime of South Ossetia is at present supported by Russian peacekeeping forces of a total of about 500 persons.

This fifteen principle is closely related to the 6th principle, beginning of international discussions to find ways to ensure lasting security in Southern Ossetia and Abkhazia. Such discussion are already underway actively in the OSCE mission in Georgia in addition to the military service.

I would like to emphasize here that the Russian side is prepared to increase their numbers I nthe basis of this sad experience as a result of the aggression inclinations of the current Georgian leadership. The function of the military observers or the OSCE, we are talking about international military observers, They need to concentrate on patrolling the security areas and paying particular attention to the external limit by that I mean the Georgian side of that security buffer. The Russian peacekeepers are prepared to cooperate very closely with these OSCE military observers. In addition, the security zone must be insured by an international police presence. This would be another international dimension in the current situation as it has formed. Such a police presence could be deployed under a mandate of the OSCE perhaps with possible support from the European Union. This is what we have been told by many representatives or members of the European Union itself Let me repeat once again that this police presence could be deployed under the mandate of the OSCE with possible support from the EU, we will be prepared to consider the possibility of Russian representatives in such an international presence in the security zone. Of course this still needs to be agreed internationally the regime for security zone and the parameters for demilitarization. And in a similar thing, we will be prepared to increasing the cooperation between Russian peacekeepers with the International Presence in the security zone around this area, bearing in mind the previous cooperation between our peacekeepers in this area and the UN observers. Of course the establishment of such effective regime in a security zone, needs to be set out in legal terms and needs to be consolidated by the signing of with Georgian side, with South Ossetia, with Abkhazia of documents ensuring of mutual guarantee of non use of force, this would make it possible to ensure that we are monitoring the security zone would be carried out by an international presence on the basis of a guarantees are already set forth a moment ago.

I would like to touch another issue too which was raise by the Georgian representative considering use of cluster weapons against the civilian population of Georgia. Let me once again declare in the most categorical terms, that against the civilian populations of Georiga, no cluster weapons were used by Russia and then there was a reference to the Human Rights Organization, Human Rights watch, but what is the real situation, what is the real facts? Human Rights Watch itself, in recent communications have testified to the use by Georgian troops of cluster weapons, in the Roki tunnel region which is the tunnel that links North and South Ossetia. I think this is a very significant recognition. It is very rare that international organization show subjectivity but I think here, they could not but recognize what actually happen in reality. What can you say, when the Ministry of Georgian itself confirmed the use of cluster bombs, the M85 cluster weapons and I would remind you that these were same bombs that were used in Lebanon in 2006.
I would like to draw attention here that the Roki tunnel is the only link between Northern and Southern Ossetia and this the route when they were being bombed that huge flows of refuges used when fleeing Georgian aggression, about 30,000 refugees used that tunnel to flee and could have been significant number of victims as a result of these cluster bombs if they had been used more extensively.

We are constantly being accused of having ambitions of empire, kind of attempting to resurrect a colonial regime of the past and so forth and all kinds of accusations. I would like to give you some small historical information. I understand of course that this is not an issue for the CD, but since these issues have been raised, I cannot help but to inform you of some of the details of the history. I think you need to remember that the whole Georgian state formation in the past, voluntarily joined the Russian empire in those days but I think what is significant is that different part of these formations joined at different times. The first of them joined the Russian empire in the 18th century in fact. More than 250 years ago, in 1745 and 1747 was the first territories, this first formations and the first was Ossetia, at that time it was the only single state; northern and souther Ossetia at that time were a single state. At the beginning of the 19th Century, again Georgia itself voluntarily joined the Russian empire and it was only twelve years later that the Russian Empire also included Abkhazia. Up until that time, it had been a separate principality, so those are historical facts. That is the reality of the situations.
In more recent developments, the Abkhaz Republic became part of Georgia in 1931 this took place under the days of the Soviet Union and at that time did not matter which territory, which soviet republic it was, but I think you need to remember here that at that time in the Kremlin, a well known Georgian was in power, Comrade Stalin and he personally participated in concocting and implementing this plan for automization as it was called. He was actively supported in this plan by another well known national of Georgian comrade who overtook the resettlements of Georgia into Abkhazia and into Ossetia in order to change the ethnic composition of those territories. Now I recall this Stalin plan for automization not by accident. As is well known 3 years ago, Saakashvili in the General Assembly of the United Nations, put forward his own plan for resolving the conflict and if I remember correctly, that plan consisted of 5 points. The main point was the granting of broadest possible autonomy to Abkhazia and Ossetia, in addition, there was also promise to provide extensive social support to the people of Abkhazia and Ossetia. 3 years have elapsed since then and everyone has forgotten about that plan. And no one talks about it anymore, why? Well for one simple reason, because there was never any intention to implement this plan, not a single dollar, not a single euro or even one single Georgian lire has actually been spent by Tbilisi in Abkhazia or Southern Ossetia. The only assistance they provided was subsistence, to survive and that was provided for to keep them alive from Russia.

What about these extensive powers that were to be devolved to Abkhazia and South Ossetia, what happened there is quite different and in fact these are quite different examples in another region of Georgia, Ts'agera, enjoys a special status and in that treaty it is given a special status and instead of the promises made by Tbilisi to devolve more powers to Algebra, what actually happened Ts'agera was deprived of its autonomy. And in addition this was done by the force of arms, isn’t that a colonial policy. In addition very recently in Ankara, a scientific conference was held , very recently on terms of recognizition of independence of Abkhazia and Southern Ossetia. The organizers of the symposium in Ankara were the researchers of the economic policy of Turkey, TPAF, it is called, and the Federation of Caucasian societies. Now the conclusions of these scientific and practical conference were that the actions of Russia were totally justified and deserve international support. The Georgian leadership needs to be held accountable by the International Community for their misdeeds.

In recent years peace in the caucuses has been assured only thanks to the Russian peacekeepers. Here I think reference has been made to the question relating to participation in the conflict. I would like to inform my colleagues of the following, first of all, Russia up until the 7th and 8th of August of this year of this year was not a party to the conflict. The armed conflict between Georgia and Russia which was started by the Georgian attack on the 7th and 8th of August. Second point, Russia did not carry out and does not have effective control of South Ossetia or Abkhazia, does not have control of its structures or of armed groups. Correspondingly , Russia could not be given any responsibility for the actions of those structures or groups.
Third, Russia was not and is not an occupying power, which is armed forces located in the Southern Ossetia and Abkhazia, did not carry out and are not carrying out, the functions of the administration structures of South Ossetia and Abkhazia. This is just a military presence. This all the more relevant now that Russia recognizes the independence of these two new states and finally one last point. At the same time, the Russian armed forces carrying out peacekeeping functions in the territory of South OSsetia and Abkhazia in cooperation with local enforcement bodies are doing everything they can in order to maintain law and order. We are being reproached for recognizing the independence of Southern Ossetia and Abkhazia. The recognition of independence was a necessary step but it was inevitable as a result of the aggression by the Saakashvili regime, there was no other possible decision. This is a final decision and it is irreversible.

Thank you for your attention.